VOLUME XIV NUMBER 5
The Barnes Review
A J O U R NA L O F NAT I O NA L I S T T H O U G H T & H I S T O RY Bringing history into accord with the facts in the tradition of Dr. Harry Elmer Barnes
First time ever reviewed in the English language:
The great Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s banned book on
Russian-Jewish relations & the Christian holocaust
the Barnes Review
. . .B RINGING H ISTORY I NTO A CCORD W ITH THE F ACTS IN THE T RADITION OF D R . H ARRY E LMER B ARNES
his edition of TBR is entirely devoted to one of the most important books on the Russ-ian Revolution and the Bolshevik era ever to be written: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Jews in the Soviet Union. Together with part one, Russian Jewish History: 1795-1916,
they comprise Solzhenitsyn’s massive—and suppressed—200 Years Together. We’re
reviewing The Jews in the Soviet Union this issue because, as far as we know, this is the first and
only full-length review of the book ever to appear in the English language.
Distinguished Revisionist historian Udo Walendy reviewed Solzhenitsyn’s The Jews in the So- viet Union in his magazine Historische Tatsachen (“Historical Facts”). Our English translation
of that scholarly review—with many great photos added—comprises this September/October
2008 issue. We think it’s a blockbuster.
As Solzhenitsyn himself put it: “After 1917 life and people [in Russia] changed greatly. But
literature produced a very poor reflection of these changes. The truth was suppressed and lies
encouraged. Thus we arrived in the 1990s knowing next to nothing about this country. This
explains the great number of surprises.”
The German magazine Der Spiegel asked the great writer:
Your recent two-volume work 200 Years Together was an attempt to overcome a taboo
against discussing the common history of Russians and Jews. These two volumes have pro-
voked mainly perplexity in the West. You say the Jews are the leading force of global cap-
ital and they are among the foremost destroyers of the bourgeoisie. Are we to conclude
from your rich array of sources that the Jews carry more responsibility than others for the
failed Soviet experiment?
I avoid exactly that which your question implies: I do not call for any sort of scorekeep-
ing or comparisons between the moral responsibility of one people or another; moreover,
I completely exclude the notion of responsibility of one nation toward another. All I am
calling for is self-reflection.
You can get the answer to your question from the book itself: Every people must answer
morally for all of its past—including that past which is shameful. Answer by what means?
By attempting to comprehend: How could such a thing have been allowed? Where in all
this is did we go wrong? And could it happen again?
It is in that spirit, specifically, that it would behoove the Jewish people to answer, both
for the revolutionary cutthroats and the ranks willing to serve them. Not to answer before
other peoples, but to oneself, to one’s conscience, and before God. Just as we Russians
must answer—for the pogroms, for those merciless arsonist peasants, for those crazed
revolutionary soldiers, for those savage sailors.
, Assistant Editor
G L O S S A R Y
T E R M S
F O R
T H I S
I S S U E
S E P T E M B E R / O C T O B E R 2 0 0 8
(meaning “majority”) were
members of the faction of the Marxist
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party
(RSDLP) that split apart from the Men-
Those in the upper or mer-
chant class, whose status or power
comes not from aristocratic origin; the in-
(CC) Most com-
monly refers to the central executive unit
of a Leninist (commonly also Trotskyite)
or Communist Party, whether ruling or
was the first of a succession of
Soviet state security organizations. It was
created by a decree issued on Dec. 20,
1917, by Lenin.
is the English transliteration
of an official title used in Russia after the
Bolshevik revolution. It denotes a political
functionary at a military headquarters
who holds co-equal rank and authority
with his military counterpart.
For our discussion, the Cos-
sacks are a fiercely independent, au-
tonomous culture group found in large
enclaves in and around Russia. Cossack
regions were the main centers for White
resistance against communism.
The Communist Party of the So-
viet Union (Communisticheskaya Partiya
Sovetskogo Soyuza) was the ruling polit-
ical party in the Soviet Union. It emerged
in 1912 as the Bolshevik faction of the
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party
and then a separate party. The party led
the October Revolution, which led to the
establishment of a socialist state in Rus-
sia. The party was dissolved in 1991, at
the time of the breakup of the USSR.
The State Political Directorate
(GPU) was the secret police of the Russ-
ian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
(RSFSR) and the Soviet Union until 1934.
Formed from the Cheka, the Soviet state
security organization, it was initially known
under the Russian abbreviation GPU for
“Gosudarstvennoye Politicheskoye Up-
ravlenie of the NKVD of the RSFSR.”
Soviet labor/death camp system.
It spread across Russia like a chain of is-
lands, hence Solzhenitsyn’s use of the
term “gulag archipelago.” GULAG was in
actuality the government agency that ad-
ministered the penal labor camps of the
Soviet Union. Gulag is the Russian acro-
nym for The Chief Administration of Cor-
rective Labor Camps and Colonies.
Eventually the usage of “gulag” began to
denote the entire penal labor system in
the USSR, then any such penal system.
Newspaper started in 1917 es-
pousing, at that time, mostly Menshevik
views. During the Soviet period,
expressed the official views of the Soviet
government as published by the Presid-
ium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
The Communist Party of Germany
(German: Kommunistische Partei Deutsch-
lands) was formed in December 1918
from the Spartacist League, which origi-
nated as a small factional grouping within
the Social Democratic Party (SPD), and
the International Communists of Germany
(IKD). Both factions opposed WWI on the
grounds that it was an imperialist war in
which the working class had no interest.
A Russian agriculturalist with a
small-to-medium-sized farm. Used de-
rogatorily by the Bolsheviks.
(meaning “minority”) were a
faction of the Russian revolutionary move-
ment that emerged in 1903 after a dispute
between Vladimir Lenin and Julius Martov,
both members of the Russian Social-De-
mocratic Labor Party. The Mensheviks
(actually the majority) did not want to top-
ple the czar. They were outlawed in 1921.
denotes a Russian peasant.
Usage was especially common in pre-
1917 Imperial Russia; a reference to a
person belonging to a low social class or
status (specifically, working class or Third
Nikolay Alexandrovich Ro-
manov (1868-1918) was the last czar of
Russia, king of Poland and grand duke of
Finland. He is currently regarded as Saint
Nicholas the Passion Bearer by the
Russian Orthodox Church. He and his
family were massacred by order of Lenin
at the Ipatiev house in Yekaterinburg.
(People’s Commissariat for Inter-
nal Affairs) was the leading secret police
organization of the Soviet Union that was
responsible for political repression during
the Stalinist era.
The executive organization for
a number of political parties, most notably
for communist parties.
(“Truth”) Newspaper was the of-
ficial mouthpiece of the Communist Party.
was a term used to identify a
lower social class.
For our discussion, the inhos-
pitable area below the Russian Arctic tree
line containing mostly coniferous forests.
Soviet mass media outlet.
The forced famine insti-
tuted by the communists to kill as many
peasants and farmers as possible in
areas that rejected communism; 10-15
million people killed in 7 years.
A very cold Arctic region unable
to support forests due to freezing temper-
atures and short growing season.
Supporter of the czar.
refers to a form of local govern-
ment instituted during the liberal reforms
of imperial Russia by Czar Alexander II.
Personal from the MANAGING Editor
his issue, TBR is proud to bring you something we know youhave never seen in the English language. It is an overview and
critical review of one of the most important books compiled in
the 20th century. The book being reviewed herein was written by
the 1970 recipient of the Nobel prize in literature and one of the most highly
respected writers and philosophers of the age—Russian dissident Aleksandr
How could such a book escape publication in the United States? For that
matter, why has no one ever translated the book into English? The title
should help us understand why this book has been banned and suppressed
since the day it was completed. The title of the volume we are reviewing is,
simply, The Jews in the Soviet Union. This volume is part two of Solzhen-
itsyn’s massive two-book series 200 Years Together.
Pressure from extremely powerful Zionist sources, as you have already
ﬁgured out by the title, has kept this valuable work from reaching readers in
the West. And the reason for that will become obvious once you dive into
this issue of TBR. It details, with great precision, the Jewish involvement in
the creation of Bolshevism and communism and the willing participation of
Jews in perpetrating the worst mass murders of the 20th century—crimes
which dwarf claims about the so-called “holocaust.”
The number of innocent Christian Russians who died at the hands of the
Soviets is mind-boggling. Solzhenitsyn himself estimated the toll at 60 mil-
lion. Many Jews, it must be added, were also crushed under the Soviet
steamroller in later years, after Josef Stalin began to diminish their involve-
ment in political and military affairs.
The truth contained within Solzhenitsyn’s The Jews in the Soviet Union
might never have reached the Western world at all had not German historian
Udo Walendy brought it some much-deserved attention. Over his career, as
TBR readers know, this brave historian has published extremely honest and
forthright discussions of World War II. For doing so he has twice been im-
prisoned in Germany. Think about this courageous man and the price he has
paid for the truth as you read this special issue.
Please note: This detailed review by Walendy is not a fawning endorse-
ment of every word of Solzhenitsyn. Instead, Walendy takes the author to
task where he feels he has fallen short of Revisionist standards.
In addition to Walendy, we thank nationalists Roy Armstrong and John
Nugent for translating Walendy’s German review into English, and the many
TBR staffers and volunteers who contributed so heavily to this issue. We
think it is so important, we humbly suggest you buy extra copies to give to
libraries and friends. Please see the ad on page 65 for more information.
And while you’re at it, please renew your subscription to TBR. We can
honestly say, TBR brings you a magazine unlike any other in the world
today. Please see the full color
insert found between pages
24 and 25 of this issue. There you will ﬁnd a really special offer you’ll want
to take advantage of. And don’t miss the special message to all readers from
TBR founder and publisher Willis A. Carto bound in the center.
, Managing Editor
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THE BARNES REVIEW
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leksandr Isaevich Solzhenitsynhas proved to be without doubt
both a very important and indus-
trious writer. He was born on
December 11, 1918 in Kislovodsk, Stavropol
Krai, Russia. While an artillery captain in the
Red Army, he was arrested in February 1945
in East Prussia because of an exchange of
letters that criticized Josef Stalin between the
lines and that was zealously read by political
For 8 years, from 1945 through 1953, he
suffered through the work camps of the
gulag and then spent three more years in an
internal banishment region of Kazakhstan.
Afterward, he was a mathematics teacher.
Assured of government approval by
Nikita Khrushchev (the communist head of
state after Stalin) who had introduced a free-speech period or
“thaw,” he released in 1962 his fictionalized account One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, the first Soviet work of litera-
ture about Stalin’s punishment camps. It was translated imme-
diately into numerous languages.
Then new attacks and persecution began. None of his im-
portant novels after Ivan Denisovich was allowed to appear in
the Soviet Union: Cancer Ward (1968); The First Circle of Hell
(1968); The Gulag Archipelago (three volumes in most printed
editions, 1973-1978); and a cycle of novels called The RedWheel, consisting of August 1914 (1971), November 1916
(two volumes, 1984) and March 1917 (two volumes, 1989-
1990). A fourth tome in the cycle, April 1917, is not yet trans-
lated into English.
He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1970, but
did not dare travel to Oslo to receive it, fearing he would be
banned from Russia. That same year he was in fact excluded
from the Soviet Writers Federation (which readmitted him
only in 1989 under glasnost). He was expelled from the So-
viet Union in 1974 and lived in Vermont from 1976 to 1994.
Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev reha-
bilitated him in 1990 and restored his Russ-
The present discussion is concerned with
the second volume of Solzhenitsyn’s two-
volume work. Together they are called TwoHundredYears Together. In romanized Russ-
ian, this is Dvyesti lyet vmestye.
The first volume was Russian-Jewish History 1795-1916 and ran to 512 pages,
published in 2001. In 2002 the second vol-
ume appeared, a 600-page-long investiga-
tion called The Jews in the Soviet Union.
His preceding books, written in the form
of novels, were often based on historical
facts and personal experiences, and all could
lay claim to correct and provable factuality
regarding the historical events they de-
scribed. As far as we know no one—apart
from communist dogmatists unable to toss
overboard their mendacious party dialectic—has dared attack
or refute him on his facts. He merits outstanding recognition
for this in view of the abundance of detail in his works. In his
book The Jews in the Soviet Union, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
has once again opened up for us a multiplicity of Russian
sources that previously had been inaccessible or unevaluated
in German-speaking countries.
His Two Hundred Years Together series abandoned his
usual form of fiction in favor of scientific analysis. Possibly
this was also due to the controversial topic: Jewish power and
anti-Semitism. There is only one problem with this otherwise
excellent book, chapter nine, “At War with Germany.” Chapter
nine should also have received his usual comprehensive doc-
umentary analysis. But here we cannot avoid the reproach, to
be detailed later, that the Nobel Prize-winning Solzhenitsyn,
whom we otherwise profoundly respect, copied for this chap-
ter exclusively from biased Jewish and Soviet sources, in fact
mostly from state historians, without feeling compelled to un-
dertake one single critical examination.
As an experienced analyst, he should have known that
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