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Handbuch der orientalistik section eight central asia - bet 36

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*kekii-deg) 'thorax', PTM *kexe-re 'hard palate' PA *kekr)V 'breast, chest, rib' (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *ker}-tire

'breast, chest'): PT *gEg-re-k 'lower soft ribs', PM *kei]gi-r-dek 'chest' PA *kidcu 'hole; mouth' (PJ *kuti): PT *KEci~r 'trachea', PM *kaci-r

'cheek' PA *kor/a 'bell' (PJ *kdnd-i)\ PT *Kot]-ra- 'to ring, toll', *Korf-ra-k 'bell',

PTM *kdrjV-r 'ringing sound' PA *kumi 'a k. of insect' (PK *kdmii 'spider', PJ *kumua id.): PT *Kumi-r-

'ant', PM *kdmo-re-ge 'a k. of insect' PA *krebd 'corpse' (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *kdmpd-ndi): PT *gEb-re,

PM *keyu-r, Man. eo-re-n PA *kriba 'ash tree' (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *xiba-gda): PT

*Keb-r-uc, PM *kuji-r-su-, PJ *kdpid-ru-(n)tai PA *kfiokrd 'spine, skeleton' (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *koki-ma-

'skeleton, skull'): PTM *xiKe-ri 'spine', PJ *kaku-rai 'coccyx'

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PA *laca 'a k. of plant with drooping branches' (PJ *nasi 'pear'): Man.

lasa-ri 'drooping branches', PK *ndl\iu-r id. PA *lako 'a k. of foliate tree' (PT *joke 'lime-tree'): PM *nuge-r- 'a k. of

alder', Man. laxa-ri 'a k. of oak' PA *iet)gV 'a k. of predator' (not attested suffixless, cf. Orch. lir)ga~pit

'wolverine'): PM *}irjge-r 'bitch', PTM *\er)gu-r 'wolf; cat' PA *lurju 'morning or evening dawn' (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ

*nuN-si 'rainbow'): Evk. lurju-r 'evening, dusk', PK *no'i-r 'morning

or evening dawn' PA *mukre 'a k. of fish' (Evk. meke 'crucian'): WMong. moku-ru 'female

carp', Orok mokkiri 'a k. of small fish', Jpn. maguro 'tuna-fish' PA *nurju 'wool, down' (PT *jurj id., PJ *nunua 'fabric, cloth'): PM

*nowu-r-(su) 'wool, down', Man. nuijya-ri id. PA *r}iakru 'dog, wolf (PTM *i]6Ke): PT *eke-r 'hunting dog', Man.

nuxe-re 'puppy', PK *ndko-ri 'badger' PA *pinije 'scar, pimple' (PTM *pini]a): PT *benir, PM *beyer, PK *pimrim PA *pogi 'kidneys, testicles' (PTM *pugi-n): PT *bogu-r, PM *bbye-re, PK

*pir, PJ *punkuri PA *pogVmale deer' (PT *bugu): PT *bugu-ra 'camel stallion', PM *boji-r

'male (of animals)' PA *pemi 'thread, twist a thread' (PJ *pima): PM *himc-r~, Evn. hemw-PA *p'oktro 'environs' (PT *pokta 'way'): PT *ota-r 'pasture, far environs',

PM *hogto-r-gui 'environs', PJ *pdtd-ri id. PA *sakru 'a k. of stinging insect' (PM *sag 'insect eggs, nits'): PT

*saki-r-tka 'tick', PJ *su(n)ka-ru 'digger wasp' PA *sigo 'rain, snow storm' (PTM *$iga-): PM *siyu-r-, *siyu-r-ga, PJ

*sinku-rai PA *sorka 'blossom, blossoming plant' (PK *sarko, PJ *sak-)\ PM *surga-r,

PJ *sdku-ra PA *sioga 'back, back skin' (PJ *sa~): PT *sagri, PM *saji-r / *saya-ri, PTM

*$og-da-PA *siope 'rib' (PTM *subi-n): PT *sabar, PM *siibe-r-gen. PA *siuga 'a k. of bird' (PK *sai): PT *sigi-r-, PM *soji-r PA *siubu 'end' (PJ *suwd-): PT *slb-ri, PTM *sube-re PA *suku 'scoop, bucket' (PTM *soKa-): PT *sogu-r-, PM *sugu-ra-PA *t'ege 'edge, border' (PM *teg, PK *thd): PT *Teg-re, PTM *tege-r, PJ

*tdkd-rd PA *tfiugo 'cover' (PK *tu% PJ *tu-i): PT *Tugu-rf PM *tuyu-r-ga PA *fflfw 'rash, scabs' (PT *tat): PM "tan-TV PTM *tuta-ri-l-PA *«ce 'reason' (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *uc-un, Evn. uciq, PK

*ac/?): PM *uci-r, Man. ucu-ri



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INTRODUCTION



PA *ur)e 'hollow, pit' (PT *utj- 'to dig'): PT *ur)u-r, PM *OT)ga-r-kaj

PA *6t'6 'bushes, low trees' (cf. Evk. utu-n): PT *ot-ru-g 'island', Orok

ute-ri-kte 'low trees', PJ *dntd-rd 'bushes' PA *iipo 'perfume, fumes' (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *(d)impu-s~): PT

*jipa~r, PM *3iya-r, PJ *(d)impu~r-

This "attributive" *-r- often appears followed by other suffixes (di­minutives etc.):

PA *-r-dV-k'V, *-r-krV

PA *ajbi 'a k. of duck' (PJ *u): PT *Ebiir(d)ekf Evn. dwulduqa (reflecting

M-dV-k'V) PA *cekV 'a k. of cloth' (PT *cek 'cotton shirt', Man. ceke 'upper short

clothes'): OUygh. cekrek 'cotton shirt', PM *cege-deg 'a k. of cotton

shirt' PA *umu 'to bear' (PTM *umu-r PK *um, PJ *um-): PT *(j)umur-tka 'egg',

PM *6m-dege, PTM *umu-kta id.

PA *-r-cV

PA *c\me 'knuckle, cartilage' (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *cimoge

'marrow'): PT *cEmi-rci-k 'cartilage, gristle', Evk. cime-ci-n 'knee-cap,

fat under knee-cap' PA *krarja 'hair, long hair' (PJ *kami): PM *korfgu-rca-g 'cluster, bunch',

PK *kd'u-c 'moustache, beard' PA *krapra 'a k. of vessel, box' (PJ *kapi 'scoop, ladle'): PT *Kapi-rca-k

'box, basket', PM *kayu-rca-g, *kaji-rca-g id.

PA *-r-gV

PA *atV 'horse' (PT *at): PT *ad-gir ( < *at-rig) 'colt', PM *a$irga id. PA*bedu 'thick, large' (PT *bedu~ 'to become thicker, grow', PK *piri-

(**pidi-) 'thick, satiated', PJ *putua- 'thick'): PM *bedi-yu- 'thick', PTM

*burgu- ( < *budu-r-gu~) 'thick' PA *k'iudo 'tail' (PK *s-kori): PT *Kud-ruk 'tail', PM *kudu-rga 'tail strap',

PTM *xu-r-gu 'tail' PA *niiidu 'fist, strike with the fist' (PM *nidu-): PT *jid-ruk 'fist', PM

*nidu-rga 'fist', PTM *nu-rga 'fist', PJ *ni-nkir- 'to hold in the hand' PA *siudu 'hoof deformation' (PTM *sudu, PJ *sia): PT *sidi-r-ga-k, PM

*sodu-r-ge

PA *-r-krV

PA *bidlmi 'knee, ankle' (PJ *pinsd 'knee'): PT *bAlma-k 'boot, shoe', PM *belbe-r-kej 'ankle', PTM *b[i]leb-ki 'knee, knee cap', Kor. palma-k 'a k. of footwear'



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PA *keu$V 'part of stomach': PM *ku^i-rkaj 'thick part of stomach', PTM

*xu$u-k 'urinary bladder' PA *met'i 'bird's crop or navel; pudenda' (PJ *mitua 'pudenda'): PT

*bote-ke 'bird's crop, craw; kidneys of animals; vulva'; Evk. motoko

'vulva'; PK *mdrtdkdn 'bird's navel'

PA *-r-sV

PA *bakril 'a sharp instrument' (PM *baki 'tongs'): PT *boku-rsi 'wooden plough', PJ *puku-si 'digging stick'

PA *-r-t'V

PA *abu 'interior of the mouth' (not attested suffixless; cf. Neg. awAan-'to gape'): PT *abu-rt; PM *ow-ci

4.1.10. PA *-c'-

We find both nominal and verbal suffixes with *-cf-

a) denominative diminutive (cf. EAS 2, 215-218, Benzing 60), cf.:

PA *crtpr[u] 'small bird' (PTM *cipi-, PK *cjdpl 'swallow'): PT *cip-ci-k

'sparrow', PM *cuw-ca-li 'snipe', Evk. cipi-ca 'small bird' PA *kdr]V 'dog' (PK *kat]i > *ka(h)i): PT *KAtj-ci-k 'bitch', PTM *ka-ci-ka-

'puppy', PK *kar)'a-ci 'puppy' PA *lamo 'a k. of bag' (PTM *lam(b)a 'bag, saddlebag'): PT *jAm-cik

'pocket, sash, bag', PK *nama-ch 'small bag, pocket'

Originally diminutive forms with *-cf- are also: PA *biikrV 'pea, nut, cone' (PTM *boKari 'pea'): PT *bur-ca-k 'pea', PM

*buyur-ca-g id., PK *pha-s id. PA *dilo 'year; sun, sun cycle' (PT */*/, PM *$il 'year'): PTM *dila-ca 'sun',

PK *tol-c 'anniversary', PJ *tdsl 'year' PA *k'apra 'bladder, film' (OT qap 'caul', PTM *xap[a\ 'fish bladder', Kor.

kapo id.): PT *Kap-ci-k 'scrotum, bladder', PM *kabi-ca-k 'groin' PA *pdgd 'box, vessel' (PT *bog, PTM *paga): PT *bog-ca, PTM *paga-ca. PA *seni 'heel, ankle' (PK *sin 'footwear'): PT *sin-c'6k 'ankle-bone,

hip-bone', Neg. senochi 'heel' PA *siina 'crest, hairlock' (Nan. sono): PM *san-cig, PTM *sono-ca

This suffix is expressive and must have had an unaspirated variant *-c-: cf. the reflex in PJ *tbsi, as well as the following case, where both TM and Japanese point to *-c-: PA *drji 'windpipe, part of neck' (not attested suffixless, cf. PM

*orjgu-le-yur, PTM *urje-le-)\ PT *6r)u-c, PTM *ur)-se, PJ *iina-nsi

A similar case of expressive *-c- may be:

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INTRODUCTION



PA *ktiare 'a k. of insect' (cf. PK *kfrr-kdmii 'a k. of spider'): PT *K(i)ari-nc-

ya 'ant, tick', PJ (reduplicated) *klri(n)-kiri-su 'grasshopper' b) verbal intensive, usually denominative, but also deverbative (on

PTM intensive *-ci-, *-ca- see Benzing 119): PA *ane 'to be quiet, sit' (PM *eje 'peace', PTM *ani- 'to enjoy, feast'): PT

*En-c 'tranquil, at peace', PK *an-c- 'to sit', PJ *dn-ta-(ja-ka)- 'quiet,

peaceful' PA *ani 'not, negative verb' (PT *en, PTM *an-, PK *an-, PJ *na-, -an-):

PTM *an-ci 'not', PK *a-chjd-d- 'not to like' PA *monijo 'to knead, press, stroke' (PT *borf 'mallet', PM *muna id.,

PTM *monrji- 'to squeeze', PJ *mdtn- 'to knead, rumple'): PM *mun-ca

'mallet', PTM *moni]i-cu- id., PK *man-ci- 'to stroke, rub' PA *pasi 'run, hurry' (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *hesu-re-, Evn.

hasu-l-): PTM *pasi-c-r PK *pas-1 *pac-PA *pbba 'to crawl, squat' (PJ *pap-): PM *(h)oji-ci-, Evk. hewi-c-PA *pokri 'to trample, kick' (PTM *peK-/poK-): PT *ok-ce 'heel', PTM

*pok-ci-. PA *siuri 'to flow, drip' (PT *siif-, PTM *sir-): PM *siir-ci-, PJ *sita-t-

Ramstedt (1912, 29-32) regards the suffix -c(a)- in Mong. as 'recipro­cal' and corresponding to PT *-l(c)-, but the actual evidence does not appear to support this point of view.

In cases like PM *mun-ca 'mallet' or PT *'6k-ce 'heel', we see this suf­fix functioning already as a nomen instrumenti, and similar cases are: PA *lak'u 'to bend, hang' (PM *naki- 'to bend', TM *laxu- 'to hang', PJ

*nuki 'cross-beam'): Evk. laku-ca 'loop', PK *nak-s 'hook' PA *kurV 'to cut out, sharp' (PTM *kori- 'to delve, carve out'): PT *Kur-c

'sharp, hard (of steel)', PM *kur-ca 'sharp' (probably originally 'cut­ting instrument' > 'sharp')

In TM the suffix *-c- with this function can become further verbal­
ized ("to treat with...", like Nan. okto-ci- 'to treat with herbs, medicines'
etc., see Benzing 116). *

4.1.11. PA *-3-

1. Nominal

The suffix *-y is well preserved in TM languages, basically as an adjective suffix (*-g-3~: *seg-je- 'red', *so-g-^a- 'yellow', Hog-ja- 'green, dark', *sdk-ja- 'white', *(x)ig-}a 'grey, yellow', *xur(i)-gja 'grey', *kuku-gja 'blue'), but also in other cases (*gul-ja 'hearth', *seg-je- 'wild deer', *saji-ja 'sieve' etc.) . Mong. has a number of nouns in -3-, mostly with preceding -1- (*bagal-ja-yur 'throat', gal-ja-yur 'wild, rabid',



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*haji-3a-yan 'ship', *uga-l$a 'male mountain goat', *kija-$a 'sedge', *kubi-l$a 'tick', *simi-l3e 'a k. of bird of prey'; *guran-$u 'whetstone', *an-5u 'fine' etc.). In Turkic and Japanese one would expect a *-j-, and indeed there exists an adjectival *-ja-ka (OJ niko-ja-ka 'mild', suku-ja-ka 'healthy' etc.).

In several cases this suffix can be traced to Common Altaic: PA *segu 'health, blood' (PT *sag 'healthy'): PTM *seg-5e- 'red', PJ

*suku-ja-ka- 'healthy'. PA *nablu 'to be born, child' (PJ *mus-): PM *3ul-^a-gan, PTM *nab(ul)-$a PA *kfelii 'a small wild animal' (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ

*kusa-(m)puf PT *Kulii-l): PM *kerel-je-gene, PTM *xelde-gie ( ~ -gde).

In Turkic, however, the situation is complicated. No cases of a *-j- : *-y correspondence in suffixed morphemes have been attested; there is, however, a number of cases when Turkic has an unexpected -c-: PA *ani 'to hold, present' (TM *ani- 'to present a gift', PK *an- 'to hold

in the arms'): PT *en-cii 'gift, fief, PM *an-3u 'fine' PA *lbe 'door, yard' (PT *eb 'house', PK *ip 'door'): PT *eb-ci 'housewife,

woman', PTM *ib-%e 'relative-in-law'

The last case suggests that the very widely attested PT suffix of nomina agentis *-ci may in fact go back to PA *-y; but more evidence would be needed to make it a certainty.

The original function of PA *-y remains not quite clear: it can be characterized broadly as "adjectival" (Benzing 60 qualifies PTM *~3(u) as diminutive, which is not at all secure). 2. Verbal We find a similar, but quite isolated case of Turk, -c-: Mong.

"3-in: PA *kiku 'to bite; rub, scrape' (PT *Kik- 'to rub, grind', PTM *kik- 'to

bite'): OT kik-cii-r- 'to rub, grind (at each other)', PM *keg-3e- 'to

scrape off, incise'.

This may be a secondary (assimilative?) development in Mong. of the PA intensifying *-c-, on which see above.

There is, however, evidence for a PA verbal *-y as well. In TM, the suffix -3- occurs as an intransitive (or, perhaps, reflexive / medial, in the sense of doing smth. for or by oneself), cf. *deg~3e- 'burn', "sine-ji-'be poor, distressed', *seb~3e-n- 'to have fun', *gob-$a- 'to hunt' etc. (there is also a *-3a-, marking imperfective or durative aspect, see Benzing 118, but it is not completely clear whether it is the same mor­pheme). It again has a quite probable direct match in PJ *-ja-, the stan­dard Old Japanese passive suffix.

In Mong. we only find verbal -3- in combination with a preceding -1-: *ayu-l}a- 'to meet', *taji-tu-lja- 'drag one's feet', *koru-lja- 'whirl',

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INTRODUCTION



*naji4$a- 'shake, sway', *melme-l3e- 'become full', *gurba-l$a- 'move creeping', *delbe-l$e-1 *dalba-l$a- 'shake, sway', bol-ja- 'agree upon time', diirbe-lje- 'to blaze, flame', *gana-l5a- 'be bent' etc.

In Turkic, this -I3- would normally correspond to *-l(c)-, and we in­deed find Turkic *-l(c) as an intransitive (reflexive) suffix; but it seems mainly to correspond to Mongolian *-ld- in the same function, so that the Turkic evidence remains uncertain.

To sum up: Proto-Altaic probably had an intransitive (medial?) ver­bal suffix *-y, preserved in PTM as *-y, in Japanese - as -j- and in Mongolian as -3- (with an addition of -1-, probably on analogy with the similar -ld-suffix). The absence of direct lexical matches with this suffix suggests, however, that it could have been not a derivational, but a purely inflectional morpheme, which it has remained in Japanese: in­deed, the perfectly possible OJ passive jaka-ja- 'to be burnt' is in fact a precise match of PTM *deg~3e~.

4.1.12. PA *-n-

A diminutive in *-ha exists in TM (see EAS 2, 220), and a possible case

of *-ri- in PA could be:

PA *triupro 'nail, hoof (PTM *tupa): PT *tub-na-k (with a different suffix

order = PTM *tup-ken < Hup-ke-nl), PJ *tumd-i.

The evidence for this suffix is, however, extremely limited, and its existence in PA is dubious (the actual form underlying PT *tub-na-k could be, e.g., *tup~ni-gak or the like).

4.1.13. PA *-i-

A verbal reciprocal suffix *-l(c)- is widely represented in Turkic. It has its closest match in Mongolian -Id- and TM *-ld- (see Benzing 121) with the same meaning, which is historically a combination of *-l- with the intransitive/passive *-t- (on which see above). The question remains open whether Turkic *-l(c)- reflects just *-l- or a similar combination *-ld- or *-lt-, which would phonetically yield the same result. However, available TM parallels show just -1- here, and there are also archaic cases of reciprocal -1- (without -d-) in Mongolian, so that PA reciprocal *-l- can be safely reconstructed.

Direct lexical comparisons for forms incorporating *-l- with Korean and Japanese are not numerous (just as in case with *-y, because the morpheme was originally not just derivational but rather inflectional), but they seem to show standard reflexes (*-r- in Korean, *-s- in Japa­nese). This -s- in Japanese is, however, very difficult to distinguish




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